Is Love an Art? Essay

Is love an art? Then it requires knowledge and effort. Or is love a pleasant sensation, which to experience is a matter of chance, something one â€Å"falls into† if one is lucky? This little book is based on the former premise, while undoubtedly the majority of people today believe in the latter. Not that people think that love is not important. They are starved for it; they watch endless numbers of films about happy and unhappy love stories, they listen to hundreds of trashy songs about love — yet hardly anyone thinks that there is anything that needs to be learned about love. This peculiar attitude is based on several premises which either singly or combined tend to uphold it. Most people see the problem of love primarily as that of â€Å"being loved,† rather than that of â€Å"loving,† of one’s capacity to love. Hence the problem to them is how to be loved, how to be lovable. In pursuit of this aim they follow several paths. One, which is especi ally used by men, is to be successful, to be as powerful and rich as the social margin of one’s position permits. Another, used especially by women, is to make oneself attractive, by cultivating one’s body, dress, etc. Other ways of making oneself attractive, used both by men and women, are to develop pleasant manners, interesting conversation, to be helpful, modest, inoffensive. Many of the ways to make oneself lovable are the same as those used to make oneself successful, â€Å"to win friends and influence people.† As a matter of fact, what most people in our culture mean by being lovable is essentially a mixture between being popular and having sex appeal. A second premise behind the attitude that there is nothing to be learned about love is the assumption that the problem of love is the problem of an â€Å"object,† not the problem of a â€Å"faculty.† People think that to â€Å"love† is simple, but that to find the right object to love — or to be loved by — is difficult. This attitude has several reasons rooted in the development of modern society. One reason is the great change which occurred in the twentieth century with respect to the choice of a â€Å"love object.† In the Victorian age, as in many traditional cultures, love was mostly not a spontaneous personal experience which then might lead to marriage. On the contrary, marriage was contracted by convention — either by the respective families, or by a marriage broker, or without the help of such intermediaries; it was concluded on the basis of social considerations, and love was supposed to develop once the marriage had been concluded. In the last few generations the concept of romantic love has become almost universal in the Western world. In the United States, while considerations of a conventional nature are not entirely absent, to a vast extent people are in search of â€Å"romantic love,† of the personal experience of love which then should lead to marriage. This new concept of freedom in love must have greatly enhanced the importance of the â⠂¬Å"object† as against the importance of the â€Å"function.† Closely related to this factor is another feature characteristic of contemporary culture. Our whole culture is based on the appetite for buying, on the idea of a mutually favorable exchange. Modern man’s happiness consists in the thrill of looking at the shop windows, and in buying all that he can afford to buy, either for cash or on installments. He(or she) looks at people in a similar way. For the man an attractive girl — and for the woman an attractive man — are the prizes they are after. â€Å"Attractive† usually means a nice package of qualities which are popular and sought after on the personality market. What specifically makes a person attractive depends on the fashion of the time, physically as well as mentally. During the twenties, a drinking and smoking girl, tough and sexy, was attractive; today the fashion demands more domesticity and coyness. At the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of this century, a man had to be aggressive and ambitious — today he has to be social and tolerant — in order to be an attractive â€Å"package.† At any rate, the sense of falling in love develops usually only with regard to such human commodities as are within reach of one’s own possibilities for exchange. I am out for a bargain; the object should be desirable from the standpoint of its social value, and at the same time should want me, considering my overt and hidden assets and potentialities. Two persons thus fall in love when they feel they have found the best object available on the market, considering the limitations of their own exchange values. Often, as in buying real estate, the hidden potentialities which can be developed play a considerable role in this bargain. In a culture in which the marketing orientation prevails, and in which material success is the outstanding value, there is little reason to be surprised that human love relations follow the same pattern of exchange which governs the commodity and the labor market. The third error leading to the assumption that there is nothing to be learned about lov e lies in the confusion between the initial experience of â€Å"†falling†Ã¢â‚¬  in love, and the permanent state of â€Å"being† in love, or as we might better say, of â€Å"standing† in love. If two people who have been strangers, as all of us are, suddenly let the wall between them break down, and feel close, feel one, this moment of oneness is one of the most exhilarating, most exciting experiences in life. It is all the more wonderful and miraculous for persons who have been shut off, isolated, without love. This miracle of sudden intimacy is often facilitated if it is combined with, or initiated by, sexual attraction and consummation. However, this type of love is by its very nature not lasting. The two persons become well acquainted, their intimacy loses more and more its miraculous character, until their antagonism, their disappointments, their mutual boredom kill whatever is left of the initial excitement. Yet, in the beginning they do not know all this: in fact, they take the intensity of the infatuation, this being â€Å"crazy† about each other, for proof of the intensity of their love, while it may only prove the degree of their preceding loneliness. This attitude — that nothing is easier than to love — has continued to be the prevalent idea about love in spite of the overwhelming evidence to the contrary. There is hardly any activity, any enterprise, which is started with such tremendous hopes and expectations, and yet, which fails so regularly, as love. If this were the case with any other activity, people would be eager to know the reasons for the failure, and to learn how one could do better — or they would give up the activity. Since the latter is impossible in the case of love, there seems to be onlyone adequate way to overcome the failure of love — to examine the reasons for this failure, and to proceed to study the meaning of love. The first step to take is to become aware that â€Å"love is an art,† just as living is an art; if we want to learn how to love we must proceed in the same way we have to proceed if we want to learn any other art, say music, painting, carpentry, or the art of medicine or engineering. What are the necessary steps in learning any art? The process of learning an art can be divided conveniently into two parts: one, the mastery of the theory; the other, the mastery of the practice. If I want to learn the art of medicine, I must first know the facts about the human body, and about various diseases. When I have all this theoretical knowledge, I am by no means competent in the art of medicine. I shall become a master in this art only after a great deal of practice, until eventually the results of my theoretical knowledge and the results of my practice are blended into one — my intuition, the essence of the mastery of any art. But, Synopsis: The Art of Loving has helped hundreds of thousands of men and women achieve rich, productive lives by developing their hidden capacities for love. An astonishing frank and candid book renowned psychoanalyst Erich Fromm, it explores the ways in which this extraordinary emotion can alter the course of one’s life. Most of us are unable to develop our ability to love on the only level that really counts-a love that is compounded of maturity, self-knowledge, and courage. Learning to love demands practice and concentration. Even more than any other art, it demands genuine insight and understanding. In this startling book, Fromm discusses love in all aspects: not only romantic love, so surrounded by false conceptions, but also love of parents for children, brotherly love, erotic.

History of Economic Thought Essay

(1) In the article of Allen et al. â€Å"The Foundations of Free Enterprise,† the three types of economic system were discussed. In a traditional economic system, the allocation of resources is based on social customs, culture, and to some extent, religious traditions. The distribution of the fruits of production is dictated by traditional criteria such as age, sex, and other individual qualities that are not essentially related to personal productivity. Primitive, agrarian, and less-developed societies mostly fall on this category. Many traditional economies progressed into a market economic system, wherein the allocation of resources is controlled by private individuals and businesses. The individuals make independent decisions that reflect their best interest, affecting the market demand, product supply, the price of products, and the kinds of goods and services produced. Business competition could be tight, causing some businesses to close down and unemployment to rise. Meanwhile, the government has only minimal control over the individual and business decisions, interfering only when needed. This often results in unequal distribution of resources, which causes poverty to emerge. Conversely, in a command or authoritative economic system, the allocation of resources is directed by the government. The government operates all the industries, determines what goods and services to be produced, how they will be to produced, how they will be divided among the people, and decides how to utilize the talents and skills of its workers. Hence, equal distribution of resources is enforced at the expense of individual freedom. 2) The Quantity Theory of Money (QTM) was developed during the 16th century in an attempt to explain why gold and silver inflow into the U. S. and Europe caused the price levels to increase. Schenk, in his article on money, reports that after minting the large amounts of gold and silver from the Aztec and Incan empires which were brought back to Spain by the conquistadors, the amount of money in circulation went up. The price levels, at the same time, gradually started their slow, century-long rise. Economists such as Henry Thornton were led to assume that â€Å"more money equals more inflation and an increase in money supply does not necessarily mean an increase in economic output† (cited in the article of Heakal on What is the Quantity Theory of Money). Thus, a direct relationship was established between the quantity of money in an economy and the price levels of goods and services. For instance, when the amount of money in circulation doubles, price levels also double, which causes inflation, i. e. the rate at which the price level escalates. This means that the consumer pays twice as much for the same amount of the good or service. (3) Christianity taught faith in reason as the greatest gift of God to man. This stimulated the pursuit of science and democratic practice which gave rise to capitalism. Christian theologians also theorized about the nature of equality and individual rights, which is a feature of capitalism. Christianity also fostered actual progress in ter ms of technical and organizational innovations. During the medieval times, the church was the largest landowner in Europe, and much of the profit went to the religious orders to pay for liturgical services. The rapid innovation in agricultural technology yielded large profits, causing the church to reinvest profits to increase production and diversified. It also led the church to hire more labor force. Hence, based on this information, it is safe to conclude that the church has largely contributed to the rise of capitalism during the medieval period (Stark, B11).

Army Essays - Digital Technology, Internet, New Media, Free Essays

rmy ntroductionAll of my life I have been around technology. I have always strived to learn more about it and become more competent. I have been building and fixing computers for as long as I can remember. Its been my life to work with computers. I encounter new issues every day that I solve one way or another. Whenever someone has an issue with technology they come to me first, and Im always glad to help. Its what I do, I help people in the only way I can. However, in more recent times there has become an issue that really cant be solved by any one person. Its how the world is losing its privacy online. BodyPeople use the internet every day and night. Theres no stopping that, its what people have become accustomed to. Its a part of our culture now, something that is unchangeable. However, the internet brings to us more than just the information we want. It also sends the information they want about us. Its almost impossible to avoid it, it happens as soon as you start your browser. hey're watching you. Each time you view a Web page, enter an online contest, complete a Web site survey or purchase items they take note. Who are "they"? Often they are Internet Service Providers (ISPs),' marketers, and businesses.' These entities want information that will let them know who you are, what type of products you buy, when you are most likely to buy them, and why. By using your consumer profile, entities can determine how to effectively advertise to you and sell you ...

There are 7 tasks and each one of it need 600-1000 words. see the word Essay

There are 7 tasks and each one of it need 600-1000 words. see the word document for the question and the requirements please, thank you - Essay Example Thus, the proper controlling over the tasks is very much important in order to achieve the overall objective of the business. Bureaucratic control assists in achieving the objectives of an organisation through delegating the necessary authority and responsibility. Bureaucracy principle assists to govern the authority through a set of rules and regulations to control the activities of an organisation. Besides, the bureaucracy is also referred as the standardized procedure, which administrates the execution of entire processes of an organisation through set of rules and regulations. Thus, Weber stated that bureaucracy policies and structure in the organisation is one of the essential methods of controlling the activities and the workforce too (Al-Habil, 2011; Bancroft & Rogers, 2010). Correspondingly, Weber argued that the need of the higher level of bureaucracy is important due to changing society’s needs pertaining to education, social services, and health care services among others. Bureaucratic rules have significantly led the division of works based on the specialisation of the peoples for achieving end result in an appropriate manner. The main elements of the bureaucracy that Weber describes includes predetermined and formal hierarchical structure, organisation of work based on functional speciality, ‘up-focused’ or ‘in-focused’ objectives, equality in the working area, employment based on qualification and management by rules. Weber stated that the organisation should follow the hierarchical structure and every department must be controlled by the higher level and formal and centralised the planning should be tailored. According the element of ‘management by rules’, activities should be controlled by the predet ermined rules and regulations and the lower levels should be accountable for the task and responsibilities proposed by the higher authority. Functional specialty

Growing up in the Ditital Age Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Growing up in the Ditital Age - Research Paper Example Net Generation is a force for social transformation from education and work to collaborations and socialization. With their reflexes trained for speed and freedom, Net-Genre is empowered to transform the world from inside out. They are already transforming society, from education and workplace to marketplace and family, they are influencing every aspect of modern life. They are replacing the culture of control with a culture of enablement (Tapscott 6).This paper explores the influences of Net Generation on education, work and family as discussed in Don Tapscott's remarkable book, "Grown Up Digital: How the Net Generation is Changing World". Net Generation (1977-1997) People born during 1946 and 1964 are called baby-boomers who became TV Generation (Leung 107). Gen X consists of adults between the ages of 32 and 43.They are highly aggressive communicators and media-centered. Gen X is media (TV, radio, film, and internet) savvy and their habits resemble to Net Generation. Gen X is foll owed by Net Generation, the children of baby boomers. The Net Generation consists of children born between January 1977 and December 1997. In these 21 years, 81.1 million children were born who make 27 percent of the U.S. population called Millennials or Generation Y. They have outnumbered the baby-boomers adults. This Net Generation is entirely different from all other generations in history since they are born in a digital environment (Tapscott 2).As Tapscott puts it, "they are bathed in bits that they think it's all part of the natural landscape"(2). Currently, the Net Generation constitutes 30 percent of the total population as compared to 29 percent of their parents' baby boomers generation. As a rival to boomers and their culture, it is imparting huge cultural influences. However, the huge impact is not due to the size but Net Generation's ability to grow in an age of revolution in telecommunication. Boomer parents engaged with a new technology in their formative years like te levision, however, it was much more limited in its scope.Net Generation is exposed to an entirely different context and environment as compared to their parents and grandparents (Denton et al. 2). Net Generation has eight basic characteristics that make them stand out from their boomer parents and other generations. They accolade freedom and freedom to choose, they believe in customization and collaborations. They prefer a conversation rather than a lecture. They scrutinize and insist on integrity. They believe in having fun, no matter if it's school or work. They need speed and innovation (Tapscott 6). Changing ways of Communication Members of Net Generation are between the ages of 11 and 31 now. They multi-task quite heavily and use technology in a different way. For Net-Genre, mobile phone are not for calling and emailing, they use it for texting, surfing web, finding directions, taking pictures, making videos, and collaborating with others. They hang out on Facebook, MySpace, an d Skype. Everyone is as cyber-sophisticated as the next person is. They turn to internet for everything they need (Tapscott 9). Education System The Net-Gen is the most ethnically diverse, largest, and the most female dominated college population in the history (O'Donnell qtd. in Tapscott 123). Unlike baby-boomers' cramming model of seeking knowledge, Net-Generation is facing a fast-paced age of information technology where one has

Comment on the Principles Utilized at Google to not be Evil Case Study - 1

Comment on the Principles Utilized at Google to not be Evil - Case Study Example According to the paper the primary concept or principle for functioning was to not be evil; this would include doing everything by the customer’s preferences. Their agreement with China which allows their search engine to be censored was the most controversial of their moves. This move is actually not in the best interest of its end-users and is seen by many as limiting freedom of speech and liberty itself. Its ongoing battle with AT&T is also indicative of its changing standards. It seems Google has changed its stance from neutrality to the survival of the fittest. While they once advocated net neutrality principles it is now increasingly more focused on putting its own interests first. In a way they are effectively crushing small firms and even large competition because of its biased and tyrannical attitude. What was once a motto no longer applies for Google it seems; at the end of the day there is massive copyright and trademark infringement through the search engine that i s allowed and goes unchecked by the firm. Pornography and other disturbing elements are not only widely available but also advertised. So the question is, was the principle only a catchy slogan? It seems it was. Â   Â  

Paper on Microbiological Issue Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Paper on Microbiological Issue - Essay Example If any product is found unsafe for consumption, it has to be identified before it causes any damage. The exporters of that particular product must be identified and an appropriate action must be taken in order to ensure the safety of the consumers. This whole task becomes very difficult as there is a lack of communication between the authorities testing the food and he exporters of such food materials. "By proactively sharing information on contaminant and disease outbreak incidents, authorities may allow other countries to detect and respond to issues quicker and more effectively. The International Food Safety Authorities Network (INFOSAN) and Food Safety Emergency Network is a recent initiative of the World Health Organization that will facilitate information exchange and may enhance the control of international food safety incidents. "(Background, 13 March 2009). Most of these authorities are conservative and allow no scope for breach of their laws, it is extremely important in or der to ensure the satisfaction and good health of the consumers. When this topic is being discussed simultaneously in many countries, it becomes a boon in more ways than one. The regulatory authorities can establish standard norms when it comes to food safety and every country involved in this can chip in with their contribution.

Colonization and Heart of Darkness is the author for or against it Essay

Colonization and Heart of Darkness is the author for or against it - Essay Example Thesis statement: Joseph Conrad’s Heart of Darkness proves that the author is against colonization because the underlying theme is anti-colonial/sympathy towards the victims of colonization (say, the Africans) (special references to the autobiographical elements in the work). Author’s view on colonization First of all, the theme of the work Heart of Darkness is interconnected with the author’s growth and development from a teenager (deeply interested in geography, maps and adventurous life) to a mariner. Within this context, his voyage to Congo changed his attitude towards colonization and its consequences. To be specific, voyage to the Dark Continent (Africa), especially to Congo, helped Conrad to realize the drawbacks of colonization, forced labor and slavery. Marlow states that â€Å"Strings of dusty niggers with splay feet arrived and departed; a stream of manufactured goods, rubbishy cottons, beads, and brass-wire set into the depth of darkness, and in retu rn came a precious trickle of ivory† (46). In the novel, the undercurrent of sadness and helplessness leads the author to be pessimistic towards life and human values. His voyage to Congo helped him to realize the anti-human aspects of colonizers who considered the African continent as the source of raw materials and slaves, not as a society throbbing with life. Later, Conrad recollected his experiences in Congo and utilized the protagonist as his mouthpiece to communicate with the readers. To be specific, his development from an adventurous teenager to a mature individual who can differentiate the drawbacks of colonization forced him to a pessimistic towards life. From a different angle of view, his deep involvement in Polish Nationalist Movement in his later life can be evaluated as his protest against colonization. Within this context, one can easily identify that the author is totally against colonization and his work can be considered as the protest against colonization a nd it’s far reaching consequences. Autobiographical elements As pointed out, Conrad is the speaker (say, narrator-protagonist, Marlow) and his voyage to Congo in the year 1889 is portrayed in the work. To be specific, in his real life, Conrad decided to travel to the heart of Africa (Congo). So, he decided to seek the help of one of his relatives, namely, Aleksander Poradowski. Later, Conrad came to know that his relative was dead and decided to seek the help of Poradowski’s widow (Marguerite). With her help, Conrad was able to be the commander of a Belgian steam boat which voyaged to Congo. At that time (in 1890s), Congo was under Belgium, especially under King Leopold II. Within this context, trade relation with Congo and Belgium was based upon Belgian colonization in Congo by King Leopold II. In his work, Conrad did not give emphasize to the drawbacks of imperialism or colonization but provided ample importance to his own experience in Congo. Through the character M arlow, Conrad portrayed the hardships faced by the people of Congo under the Belgian colonization. Marlow makes clear that â€Å"They passed me within six inches, without a glance, with that complete, deathlike indifference of unhappy savages† (43). Within this context, one can easily identify that Marlow (say, the protagonist) represents the author’s firsthand experience in Con

Assigment 3 and 4 Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Assigment 3 and 4 - Assignment Example The high demand for the free goods affects the demand that the markets are able to supply. Non payers are not able to be prohibited in using the goods. Market failures are common in provision of public goods. When there is no payment of goods, revenues are not earned from the goods that are produced hence the market is not able to produce more. Government distortion is common in production of public goods through production subsidizing and protection of intellectual property inadequately (Hubbard and Anthony, 51). When the interference occurs, the market is not able to earn revenues and profits from the goods produced. This leads to market failure. Government intervention leads to protection of goods in a market and other firms are not able to enter easily into the markets. 5. Free rider problem occurs when a consumer is in a position of enjoying a good or service without paying for it. Marketers providing public goods have successfully used a number of techniques to encourage those who use the products to contribute to them (Hubbard and Anthony, 67). In the techniques used, they give contributors private goods, arrange matching contribution for them and appeal to the sense of civil and moral responsibility. Solutions are as follows: Common in public and beautiful sceneries those citizens are ready to access through payments. Limiting entrance for such areas may make them private. This is common in sectors that are on high demand in an economy in general. Citizens are beneficiaries of services from the government such as defense. They pay for this indirectly through taxation. Though some taxpayers complain, this remains one of the best ways of making the economy of a country flow steadily. 6. Poverty trap is a mechanism that forces people to remain below the poverty line. It is common in under-developed and developing countries (Hubbard and Anthony, 83). The main causes of the poverty trap are inadequate credit to citizens and

Global companies operating in Qatar Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Global companies operating in Qatar - Coursework Example Hence, multinational firms are eager to operate in the market. But due to political uncertainties, they fear for losses (Desai, 2009) and have adopted business strategies such as purchasing of licenses or franchising. Hence, the global firm’s leases out their trading licenses at the company inception. However, during that period, they monitor the business situation and understand the market more as they prepare for a takeover. Qatar comprises of many culture that majorly originate from the Middle East. Hence, the global firms that wish to operate in the market are more suitable to apply the franchising way rather than the trade licenses. The essential component of any business is to influence customers. Hence, by use of franchising, they use the local persons who understand the environment better (Schwab & Martin, 2011). Hence, they can implement strategies that influence persons making the business to grow faster. The global firms like MacDonald’s are majorly operating in food staffs. Hence, they need to study the locals’ culture first and see where to improve. Thus, the firms do itself in Dubai due to franchising since this has been the only way to enter the market and

Political Parties in Nigeria Essay Example for Free

Political Parties in Nigeria Essay Democracy no doubt is the world’s current new bride. To the extent that everyone Politicians, Journalists, statesmen and even laymen – call themselves democrats while those who wish to defend a regime no matter its nature call it democracy (Williams 1995:65), one could aptly say the world is in the age of democracy. But as democracy is gaining currency the world over, it need be stated that the Institution of political party constitutes the lubricant of the current democratic wave. This is because, political parties serves as vehicle for expressing myriad of world views held by citizens as well as an instrument to garnering the informed and active participation of the citizens in the political process which constitutes the hallmark of any democratic practice. As noted by Hague and Harrop (1987:141-142), party competition is the hallmark of liberal democracy because it is the device which makes governments responsive to the electorates by providing voters with some choice while simultaneously restricting that choice to a few broad alternatives. In other words, the greater the number of parties and / or the latitude of freedom, the more democratic the political system is or becomes while the the more they are conscripted, the lesser the likelihood of a democratic political system. This view was also shared by Anifowoshe (2004: 59) when he noted that the condition of the political parties in a political system is the best possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. It must however be stated that while parties constitute the piston in the engine of democracy, the nature and activities of political parties themselves may constitute a stumbling block in the way of democratic growth and sustenance. This has been the paradox of party politics in Africa where the institution has remained largely underdeveloped. Instances abound where activities of parties have been a major factor in the decline of democratic politics or outright termination of democratic administrations and their subsequent replacement by military authoritarian regimes. In this context, the Nigerian state is a reference point. Nigeria became independent in 1960 after years of colonial rule. Independence ushered in a multi party democracy under a Westminster parliamentary model. However, due to a number of circumstances including intra and inter party bickering and, political excesses of parties and their leaders among others, the first democratic republic was truncated in January 1966 following a bloody coup detat championed by the five Majors. The abrupt termination of the first republic also ushered in a thirteen-year long military rule that lasted till October 1, 1979. Nigeria had another taste of multiparty democracy between October 1979 and 31st December 1983. However, like most of the parties of this period themselves, the problems of the first republic reincarnated to mare the democratic processes, culminating in the military coup of December 31st 1983 and the beginning of a second phase of military rule in the country. Indeed, the second phase of military rule in Nigeria which lasted between December 1983 and May 29, 1999 was the most dramatic and traumatic in the history of the country. It was a period mostly characterized by series of coups and counter coups, political maneuverings and above all, endless transition to civil rule programmes or what Diamond et al (1997) has aptly dubbed ‘Transition without End’. But while the political imbroglio of that period cannot be blamed out-rightly on the excesses of political parties and their leaders, the need to avoid such was always advanced as a defensive mechanism for continuous tinkering with the then transition process. For instance, reasons for dissolution of the 13 political associations that first prelude the third republic and their consequent replacement by government created SDP and NRC and, annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election that eventually calumniated in the abortion of the third republic were carefully crafted under the need to avoid repeat of mistakes of the past republics. Detailed work on this has been done by scholars and need not be recounted here (See, Diamond et al 1997). However, what must be stressed here is that, Nigeria’s current democratic experience was the end product of a long and tortuous journey through the woods of military autocracy. Although the decade of the 90’s generally was characterized by external pressures for democratization around the world, the resilience and perceptions (rightly or wrongly) by Nigerians that democracy holds prospect for a better life was also a major factor that sustained the struggle. Also, perhaps, in acknowledgment of the sanctity of the party institution to democratic sustenance, the country has continued to operate a â€Å"growing† multiparty democracy since 1999. Thus, from three parties in 1999, it currently has over thirty political parties with prospects of more to be registered. Against this long background, this paper seeks to examine the role of parties in sustaining Nigeria’s democracy. Further to this are: To what extent do Nigerian political parties conform to their expected role in the political system or in sustaining democracy? What are the encumbrances (if any) on their performance in Nigeria? What is / are to be done to place Nigerian political parties on the part of vibrancy vis-à  -vis democratic sustenance? Unraveling these problematic calls for rigorous inquiry. But to start with, situating the role of parties in a universal context is essential. Political Parties and Democracy: Theoretical Framework Political party is one of the genuses of intermediary groups in a political system. Others include interest groups and pressure groups. Thus, the relationship between viable political party and democratic governance is no doubt axiomatic. Political parties are the lubricant of democracy and without which, democracy based on the western model cannot function (Adele 2001:35). This is essentially because it provides a credible means of harnessing the variety of public opinions essential in sustaining a democratic society. While democracy rests on the informed and active participation of the people, political party is a viable tool in this regard. This perspective is shared by political scientists. As Anifowoshe (2004:59) remarked: Democracy exists where the principal leaders of a political system are selected by competitive elections in which the bulk of the population have the opportunity to participate. As a matter of fact, the condition of the parties, in a political system, is the b est possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. Implicit in the above statement is that a party’s level of institutionalization, cohesion and social base, determines the extent of its viability and the extent to which it could be said to be performing its functions in a democracy. In other words, viable political parties contribute to democratic growth much as unviable ones may result in democratic regression. Although there are myriad of definitions on what constitutes a political party, yet they all revolve around electioneering and the control of government. For instance, political parties has been conceived as an instrument for contesting elections for the purpose of selecting candidates and party(ies) to exercise political power (Yaqub 2002:122). This definition is in consonance with that which sees political party as an organization, which is principally, absolutely and actively involved, in the electoral process, in a democracy, with the major intent of winning political power and controlling the government (Onuoha 2 003:137). The import of these definitions is that the major goal of political party is to capture and control governmental powers. This it does through participation in electoral process in which it fields candidates to contest for various posts. Yet, it must be stated that while the major goal of a political party is to capture and maintain control over personnel and policies of government, such at times may have to be done in coalition with other party(ies). This is especially the case where electoral victory is not based on ‘first past the post’ system or where a single party could not win the minimum electoral seats necessary for it to constitute a government. However, beyond fielding candidates for elections and controlling governmental apparatuses, political parties also perform other functions which on the one hand set them aside from other organizations such as interest groups and more importantly on the other hand, makes them sine qua non for democratic development. These include; the task of political recruitment and training, education, socialization, breeding consensus, providing alternative world views and political communication among others (see Okoosi-simbine 2004:85-86; Yaqub 2002:112; Aina 2002:10-12, Onuoha 2003:137). It is the extent to which parties are able to discharge these functions that determine the extent of democratic growth in the country. Important in carrying out the above functions is that part ies especially in culturally variegated societies such as Nigeria must eschew those intervening variables that are likely to mar programmes and policies of the party such as salience of ethnic, religious or other sectional interests. Where this is not avoided, the tendency is that a party will find it considerably difficult in harnessing or mobilizing mass support for democratic growth. The emphasis here is that parties are formed not only to promote policies but also to secure social interests. It therefore follows that parties must have broad social bases in order to be able to aggregate interests rather than articulation of specific sectional ones. Also central to democratic growth through the party system is party institutionalization. That is, the process by which parties become established and acquires value and enduring stability (Huttington, 1965:394). Although the extent of party institutionalization varies with party systems the world over, it is usually measured based on some factors such as party age, count of splits and mergers, electoral stability, legislative stability and leadership change (Janda, 1993:167). Of equal importance is party coherence, which has been defined as the degree of congruence in the attitudes and behaviour of party members’ (Janda 1980:118; 1993:173). There is no gainsaying the fact that the degree of coherence among party members bears direct relevance to party strength and stability. This is because a strong and coherent party in terms of membership and structure is usually stronger and coordinated both in articulating view and garnering electoral support than are fragmented one. It is also the factor of coherence that enable parties to effectively discharge the function of National integration which they are expected to perform especially in plural societies. It must be stressed that, while parties in the advanced countries of Europe and America, are observed to have attained the status described above, those in the developing countries tend to be a little far from it. In other words, political parties in the developing countries cannot be ranked on equal scale with those of the advanced countries in terms of viability of the institution. Hence, it could be reasoned that the difference between the two worlds accounts for the different levels of democratic growth between them (e.g. Nigeria and USA). Although Nigeria has returned to democratic practice since 1999, yet there is a growing concern over the sustenance of its democracy. These concerns obviously owe their origin to the nature of political parties and party politics or activities in the country. Issues surrounding this dilemma are examined next but before this, description of the character and general tendencies of current political parties is essential. Roles and Functions of Political Parties From various literature on political party, it is evident that democracy, especially the liberal majoritarian version would be practically impossible without the institution of political party. This no doubt is anchored on the expected roles of political parties in deepening the democratic process. One major role expected of any political party is the task of political recruitment and education. The centrality of this function lie is the fact that it is directly connected with fulfillment of the common aim of all parties. That is, the aim of fielding candidates for election and capturing or exercising political power either singly or in cooperation with other parties (see, Yaqub 2002:164; Ball 1988:73). In other words, in the process of trying to capture political power, political parties serves as a major instrument/platform through which candidates for public offices are recruited at all levels. This is the case in both socialist as well as competitive liberal democracies. According to Ball (198:77), in such political systems where parties are absent (such as in zero party situation) or weak, political elites are usually recruited from traditional elites or through religious and military organizations. However, such sources of recruitment usually have implications for stability of the regime because they lack the more popular base of political parties. In other words, the institution of political party provides an avenue for recruiting politically ambitious persons into the political elite class. In this, we can also accommodate parties’ role as a credible means of political succession. This is because parties would have narrowed down the number of competitors for a particular office to what it considered the best choice at the material time. This process help reduce pressures on the political system as well as streamline citizens choice. In addition, in the process of campaigns for elections, parties inform and educate the public on important s tate policies and actions much as they do while in power. Even for parties out of power, they provide a constant source of critique of government policies which attimes help to change, modify or improve the quality of policies and programmes. Related to the task of recruitment and education is the role of parties as socializing agents. Generally speaking, most conceptions of socialization agreed that it is a process by which individuals incorporate into their own attitudinal and behavioural patterns, the way of their respective social groups and society (Babawale, 1999:218). If this is true, it follows that in the course of preparing candidates for elections, campaigns and other political activities, the individual within the society is acquiring some attitudinal or behavioural patterns necessary to make a politically vibrant individual. In addition, knowledge about political institutions and processes are acquired and internalized by the individual. Perhaps, this informed why political socialization have been conceived as all formal and informal explicitly or nominal political learning at every stage of the life circle that affects political behaviour, such as learning of politically relevant social attitudes and the acq uisition of politically relevant personality characteristics (Greenstein, quoted in Babawale 1999:219). Another major role of political parties in any political system is in the area of serving as link between rulers and the ruled through what is known as political communication. That is, parties provide a means of expression and information flow, both upward and downward, in any political system. Although, the flow of information is crucial to the survival of any political system, the direction of information flow however varies. For instance, in a liberalized multiparty system, there is tendency for information flow to be tilted more in favour of upward flow. This would allow the ruling party to feel the pulse of the populace as well as respond positively to policy demands. But even for parties out of power, it has a tendency to reinforce collective consciousness of party members and strengthen the level of attachment to the party. On the other hand, where there is a single party, the tendency is that information flow will be more from the top to the bottom. For instance, Hague and Harrop (1987: 140) had noted that in Stalin’s Russia, ‘the democratic’ expression of opinion from the grassroots of the Communist Party was negligible compared with the â€Å"centralist† flow of directive from the top. This notwithstanding, what is important is that, irrespective of the strength or direction of information flow, political parties have the onerous role of serving as a two-way communication process between the government and the people. The formulation and implementation of collective goals is yet another major function of parties. This is because in the process of seeking to capture power, they formulate programmes and policies either through conventions, meetings and even manifestoes which they hope to implement while in office. Some of these issues eventually constitute the collective goals of the society. Related to this is the mobilization role of parties. Indeed, parties are known to have been in the vanguard of mobilizing the citizens. This they do through mass rallies and other forms of display of unity that emphasizes identification between the individual and the party. Hague and Harrop (1987:140) noted that, parties have been the prime movers in the revolutionary upheaval of the modern age. They alluded that the enormous transformations of Russia and Chinese societies in the last century were led by vanguard communist parties committed to radical social changes. So also were the nationalist parties of the third world who played critical role in the attainment of independence and the subsequent attempt to weld new nations out of traditional societies (Hague and Harrop 1987:140-141). In the process of developing collective goals, parties also serve as important agents of articulating and aggregating the myriad of groups and individual interests in the society. Although this is not an exclusive function of political parties as it is also performed by interest groups, but parties are able to do this on a wider and / or national scale. Indeed, all parties have social base that cuts across ethnic, religious, occupational and class divides. It thus serves as a platform through which the diverse interest base are articulated and aggregated to form coherent whole. The underlying assumption here is that parties are able to synthesize and reconcile the multitude of competing interests into a broad national value. It must however be stated that this function of political parties, though important, need not be stressed too far. This is because, most often, parties mainly respond to interests and demands that are consistent with their ideology or in line with controlling int erests in the party. In this context, parties are important agencies in determining which interests are represented in politics and which ones are left out. From discussions so far, it is apparent that the relationship between political parties and democratic sustenance is axiomatic. Indeed, the various roles performed by political parties in the political system are expected to strengthen the democratic processes. This demand also implies that political parties and political leaders must in themselves be democratic. What this translates to is that the extent to which individuals within the party and the party organization itself assimilate democratic tenets to a large extent affects the extent to which they are able to discharge the above roles as well as the quality of democratic growth in the political system. In other words, having democrats is precondition for democracy to take root. How these intricacies of party politics and democratic sustenance have played themselves out in Nigeria will be our next focus after a preview of political parties in the country’s current fourth republic. Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic Political parties in Nigeria’s fourth republic emerged against the background of a military managed transition prograamme which began in 1998 and reached its climax on May 29, 1999 when a new civilian administration was ushered in (see Momoh and Thoeveni 2001). Before this experience, Nigeria has had previous democratic republics between 1st October 1960 when it gained political independence from Britain and January 1966 when it was rudely terminated in a military coup; another one was between October 1, 1979 and December 31, 1983 while a third one was not allowed to take root in the early 1990s because it was eventually truncated by its own architect. What is remarkable about all the republics is that, with the exception of the aborted third republic which had only two parties dejure, all others were characterized by multiparty system. Extensive work on previous republics have been done by Coleman (1971); Joseph 1991; Diamond et al 1997; Ujo 2000 and Yaqub 2002). To begin with, parties in Nigeria’s current fourth republic have been characterized by what could be described as a seesaw numerical transition. This was because, at inception of political activities in 1998, several political associations were registered (though provisionally) as political parties but was later prone down to three before the 1999 elections and by 2003, several others came back on the stage. This numerical transition deserves extensive comment. Upon commencement of political activities in 1998, close to fifty political associations sprang up but at the close of nominations, only twenty-four of them had applied for registration with INEC. After thorough scrutiny, only nine of these parties were formally registered (provisional) by INEC according to its guidelines. These are Alliance for Democracy (AD), All Peoples Party (ANPP), Democratic Alliance Movement (DAM), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), United Democratic Party (UDP), United Peoples Party (UPP) and Movement for Democracy and Justice (MDJ). However, the future and continuous existence of these parties was tied to passing the acid test. To continue to exist and function as a political party, a parting was expected to score at least, a minimum of five (initially ten) percent of the total votes in at least 24 states of the federation during the December 1998 local governments elections. Thus, of the nine parties, only the APP and PDP clearly met the criteria having scored at least five percent in over 24 states of the federation each. The AD was third with 5 percent of votes in 14 states of the federation. However, in addition to the APP and PDP, the AD was also registered partly to assuage the south westerners who were still aggrieved by the June 12, 1993 election imbroglio and most importantly, because of provisions of the electoral laws that the third best party would also be registered in the event of only two parties meeting the recruitments. Consequently, based on the modified criterion, the AD, APP and PDP were registered to contest the 1999 general elections. Following increasing pressures for registration of more parties, three other associations, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), National Democratic Party (NDP) and United Nigeria Peoples’ Party (UNPP), were registered in June 2002 out of over twenty that applied for registration. The registration of these three parties however heightened agitations by those yet to be registered until they were finally registered later in the year. Those factors that made their registration inevitable included subtle blackmail by other associations seeking registration, fragility and growing intra party deputes among existing parties and above all, the resort to litigation by those not registered among others (see, Anifowoshe 2004: 63) Added to this was increasing factionalisation of existing parties. Indeed, the ruling by the Federal Appeal Court in Abuja, FCT, which favoured the registration of more parties, was a major and perhaps most significant factor that prompted registration of more parties by INEC to the extent that about thirty political parties freely contested the 2003 general elections. It must be stated that, although thirty political parties contested the 2003 general elections, the trio of PDP, ANPP and AD have remained dominant since 1999. While the PPD is currently controlling 27 states (previously 28 before the court order that awarded victory of Anambra state governorship election to the APGA candidate earlier this year), the ANPP has seven states and AD, one state. They all however, have their men in the national parliament, though with varying strength. Also, there has been a growing rate of factionalization, crises of succession and internal bickering within the parties. This is with the consequence that more parties and political association have continued to emerge from them to the extent that Nigeria is currently having about 37 political parties with prospects of more to come. The new bride of parties include the ACD, MRDD, Action Alliance †¦ For instance, the rate of factionalization within the ruling PDP have gone to an extent that several factions have emerged as new parties on their own. This was the case with the MRDD spearheaded by a former national chairman and other prominent members of the party. The same account could be read for the recently formed ACD which from all indications is spearheade by imcubent Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Indeed, the PDP is not alone in the troubled waters of dissent. Even notable members of the AD and ANPP are now either full members of one of the newly registered parties or fraternizing with the intention of becoming one. This was the case with the incumbent protem National Publicity Secretary of ACD, Lai Mohammed, who was hitherto a strong member of the AD. Indeed, in the build up to 2007 general elections, there seem to be general disarray among political parties in the country. While new parties have emerged after 2003 general elections, there is nothing to suggest that more will not spring up before the next 2007 elections. But if the deepening or defense of democracy is a prime factor which politicians have always adduced for the alignment and realignment of forces leading to formation of new parties, to what extent have Nigerian political parties with its increasing numbers satisfied this aspiration? Or better still to what extent have they fulfilled the expected roles of parties in a democracy necessary for deepening the process? This is our prime concern in the next section. Nigerian Parties and Democratic Consolidation Perhaps a good way to access the impact of parties on democratic sustenance is to align our thought in this direction with the expected roles of parties in a democracy. Indeed, Nigerian parties by whatever angle they are looked at are political parties properly so called. At least, to the extent that the common aim, as parties elsewhere, is to capture political power and control machineries of government. By implication therefore, they are practically veritable instruments in the recruitment of political leaders and political elites. In fact, viewed against previous experiences, one would observe an increasing sensitization and political education of Nigerians. However, one must be cautious in stressing this argument too far giving the contradictions inherent in the ways and practices of the parties. This is because, at the facial level, parties may have been recruiting candidates for various elective posts, but beneath we may ask: what is the quality of candidates being recreated? Are the parties democratic in their recruitment process? Obviously, answers to these questions are negative. To anchor this further, we may begin on the premise that to have (or sustain) democracy, first, there must be democrats either as individuals or party organizations. It is obvious that at inception of the current democratic administration in 1999,and with exception of the PDP then which had a consensus candidate in Chief Olusegun Obasonjo, all other two parties were not particularly democratic in selecting their presidential aspirants. For instance, the decision of the A D under the influence of Afenifere, a pan Yoruba socio-cultural organization to select chief Olu Falae as the party’s presidential flagbearer at a meeting held in Ibadan by party elders without allowing proper democratic contest between him and Chief Bola Ige cannot be described as democratic. In fact, the undemocratic nature of what is now the ‘De Rovans Hotel’ episode has been adjudged as a major factor in the crises that has been rocking the party since 1999 (see National Interest June 18 2006:18). So also was the case with the APP between Dr. Olushol Saraki and †¦. The later was eventually selected in a rather spurious manner. Expectedly this action stired controversy within the parties leading to factionalization in the case of the AD and protest votes against the party by Dr Saraki and his supporters in the APP in the 1999 presidential elections. In addition, many of the three parties’ aspirants for other posts were either hand picked or selected in a surreptitious arrangement. Indeed preparations for the 2003 elections witnessed an almost complete disregard of democratic tenets in the process of recruiting candidates for elective offices. Although many of the parties attempted to pick their aspirants, especially presidential nominees, through national conventions, but unfolding events and protests by other aspirants after the conventions smacks of fluidity of the process. The implications of all the above is the increasing factionalization of the parties and rising level of intra party crises. Worrisome as these situations appear, there is nothing yet to suggest advances in democratic direction by the parties even for the 2007 elections. The recent convention of the PDP in which it was resolved (or maneuvered) against the wishes of some other members that its candidates for elections will be by affirmation is a pointer in this direction. Also is the case of the NDP which has already adopted a candidate, Rtd. General Babangida, as its presidential flag bearer for the 2007 election without holding a convention. What we can derive from the above analysis are two fold. First is that a faulty premise cannot produce a sound conclusion. A party whose internal machinery is undemocratic cannot nurture democracy in a larger societal context. Second is that the candidates so recruited have not gone through any democratic training within the party nor tested democratically to ascertain their level of subscription to democratic tenets. In this case, such candidates while in office will likely be intolerant to opposition and above all, perpetuated through undemocratic tendencies. Current unfolding occurrences in the country manifesting in succession crises, third term agenda etc. tend to confirm all the above assertions. In other words, the bottom line remains that, neither Nigerian political parties nor politicians could be regarded as democrats thus cannot effectively and sufficiently contribute to maintaining the system. In terms of political communication and serving as link between the government and the people, Nigerian parties grossly parade a deficit balance in this regard. This is because none of the parties has a functional formal communication channel. The reality is that most of the parties’ structures especially at the grassroots are only vibrant at the approach of elections. After this, they fade away while the party continue to exist only at National and state headquarters. Indeed, the critical ingredients and means of political communication necessary for a vibrant democracy are conspicuously absent in the parties. These include avenues for expression of opinions by citizens, free information flow (upward or downward) among others. These elements help strengthen attachment and loyalty to the party thereby holding prospect for increased political participation. However, Nigerian parties are not forthcoming in this regard. What is apparent is that relations within the parties are mo re of client-patronage relation. Party leaders and elected officers most often become alienated from other party members and even the electorates immediately after election. For the parties in power, the only relation that there from exist between party elites and other members usually is occasional distribution of patronage in order to preserve members support and loyalty while those out of power fizzled away only to re emerge at the approach of another election. For this reasons, harnessing citizens’ initiative or sustaining a vibrant political participation of members becomes difficult with the result of docility in party activities. Indeed, communication is the life wire of any organization the lack of which may result in the organizations eventual death. The party organization and indeed the political system is no exemption in this regard. Perhaps, we can make bold to say that the near zero communication level of Nigerian political parties is a major factor in their inability to institutionalize or funct ion effectively as lubricant of the democratic project. As already noted in this text, parties also play mobilization roles as well as articulate and aggregate the myriad of opinions held by individual and groups within the society. This no doubt facilitates development of collective goals. A careful observation of the Nigerian experience however reveal parties as playing contradictory roles to the above. First, mobilization of citizens has often been limited to periods of electoral campaigns. For Nigerian parties and politicians, election periods are periods to galvanize the people and exhume powerful oratory remarks. The average politician is always willing to visit the nooks and crannies to mobilize and solicit support for the party and candidates. But while this is part of the mobilization function of parties, it need not be confirmed solely to an election period routine. Rather, it is a process that must continue in order to bring out the best from the citizens in terms of input into policies and programmes of the government. But given the psyche of the Nigerian politician and their end-means orientation of politics which is to acquire political power in order to secure economic resources, citizen contribution / input into policies and programmes is of inconsequential effect. This crave for economic security at whatever cost by the political elites could therefore be adduced as a contributing factor to continued non alignment of policies with realities confronting the Nigerian electorates. Another dimension of the faulty mobilization function of parties in Nigeria is that even where they, as elsewhere, have wider social base of support, political maneuverings often create a situation whereby parties resort to politics of ethnic and/or religious mobilization. Indeed, mobilization politics along the lines of ethnic, religious or some other forms of cleavages have been a major character of party politics since independence. For instance most parties of the first republic used divisive mobilization politics to garner electoral support. So also were parties of the second republic. With the exception of AD which is rooted in the south west and maintains affinity with Afenifere, a socio cultural organization in the region, all other parties of the current era could not be said to have their support base restricted to a particular region. However, in the process of electioneering campaigns, many members wittingly or unwittingly often whip ethno-religious sentiments as strategies to mobilize support. Consequently in the prelude to the 2003 general elections, the mood of many Nigerians was that, Religion will play a prominent role in their choice of leaders†¦. Muslim- Christian rivalry was so intense that none of the 30 political parties in the country has managed to develop a firmly national support base. Muslims consider Obasanjo’s ruling peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a Christian party. The all Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) of his nearest rival, Muhammad Buhari is considered by Christians to be a Muslim party (Marahatha Christian Journal, 2003). The emphasis therefore is that, where mobilization is carried on, on a faulty premise, it becomes extremely difficult to articulate and aggregate programmes and policies that serves the national interest. In this context, programmes and policies often articulated are those that are in consistent with that of the dominant interests within the party, be it socio, cultural or economic. In terms of political socialization, it may be argued that there is a tendency for negative socialization among Nigerian political parties. Socialization, conceived in terms of the process by which the individuals incorporate the ways of their respective social groups and society into their individual patterns and behaviour, is expected to be facilitated by political parties through campaigns, rallies and other political activities. In Nigeria, however, this has a negative content arising from series of violence and atmosphere of insecurity that often mare electoral processes in Nigeria. Nigerian parties and politician alike have a penchant for recruiting and making use of political thugs mostly recruited among motor garage boys, unemployed Youths and even Students at moments of campaigns and elections. Such behaviours and orientations which are antithetical to civic culture obviously are imbibed by younger generations. The consequence is that this erodes democratic senses of bargaining and compromise and instead creates the impression that force and crude militancy are the best ways to live and achieve political goals. The negative impacts of the socialization process is already being exhibited at other levels of politics below the state such unionism, especially student unionism. Indeed, student unionism at the tertiary level is expected to evince civic and enlightened qualities by virtue of the place of tertiary institutions in the country. However, a common observable trend in most tertiary institutions in Nigeria is that campus politics has often time been characterized by intolerance, maneuverings, money politics and a host of other negative traits exhibited by Nigerian political parties to the extent that institutions authorities may at times impose sanctions or outright ban on campus political activities. Situations like this no doubt have implications for their future political engagements and by extension, democratic growth in Nigeria. Our endeavour so for has been to trace whether there is an alignment between the expected roles and functions of political parties in sustaining democratic process and the activities of political parties in Nigeria. For one, while the role of parties in democratic sustenance is in controvertible, the Nigerian political parties have not been seen playing these roles. Why is this so is our focus next. Observed Weaknesses of parties in Nigeria From discussions so far, it can be gleaned that the indispensability of political parties to democratic sustenance is not in doubt. What is perhaps worrisome is the ability of Nigerian political parties to function effectively as catalyst for democratic growth. Gleaned from a number of observable trends, some factors serve to explain this unfortunate mess. First we may note ideological emptiness of the parties. Conceived as a set of coherent ideas which guide and tailor behaviour, ideology is expected to fire and sustain inspirations of party members. According to Scruton (quoted in Okoosi-Simbine, 2005:24), parties ideology are moral systems that enshrine the sanctity of contract and promise between them and the electorate because they constitute the political doctrine from which a programme of political action emanates and upon which basis citizens choose how they will like to be ruled. Essentially therefore, parties as organizations with diverse social base must be bounded by such set of common beliefs and ideas in order to help propel a vibrant democratic society. Unfortunately, Nigerian parties and politicians are merely playing survival game. Prime to them from observable trend is the desire to capture and maintain political power irrespective of what this takes. Consequently, this drive to capture power by all means possible tends to erode the performance of other functions necessary for democratic growth. The lack of ideology also serves as conduit for series of political vagrancies that characterized the political terrain. As observed by Aina (2002:19), Nigerian poiticians behave like political bats, changing affiliation in response to perceived fortunes or electoral advantage. Akin to the issue of ideology is what we may refer to as poorly digested manifesto of the parties. The manifesto is basis upon which contract between the rulers and citizens are sealed because it is the representation and/or expression of the political party’s direction, purpose and how it hopes to achieve them while in government (Onuoha 2003:141). It is the party’s statement of intention about how it hopes to achieve good governance. It is therefore the basis upon which performance of an incumbent government can be assessed and balanced against the need for change. Unfortunately, manifestoes of Nigerian political parties have proved to be manifestations of emptiness, similar in content and providing no choice for the citizens. The only difference between them as observed by Okoosi-Simbine (2005:22) is the emphasis they give to the programmes articulated or in a few cases, the strategies for carrying out the objectives. In other words, their manifestoes are more a replica of the other. Again, this close similarity in manifestoes can be hinged on their inability to develop a coherent ideology. As onu0oha (2003:145) rightly observed, any meaningful and functional manifesto must spring from a profound party ideology. Thus, a manifesto without a party ideology is like a body without a soul. In this context, rather than lubri cate democracy, parties constitute more of a burden on democratic practice. Prevalence of primordial sentiment may equaled be adduced as responsible for the inability of Nigerian parties to respond positively to the challenges of democratic sustenance. Indeed, the ability of a party to effectively perform its role especially in multi cultural settings is usually circumscribed by the socio-economic structure of the society. Therefore, since parties are institutions competing for spheres of influence in the socio-economic and political configuration of the society, there is every tendency that there activities will be likely be intertwined with prevalent socio-political sentiments of the society (Suleiman and Muhammad 2006). This is suggestive of current Nigerian parties. Indeed, post independent Nigeria has witnessed party’s base being deeply rooted in ethno-regional and religious sentiments to the extent that the major parties of the first republic (AG, NPC and NCNC) and their second republic successors (especially NPN, NPP and UPN) are often regarded as ethnic pressure groups. While parties of the current fourth republic may not be so deeply rooted in a particular region, nonetheless, the continuous use, overtly or covertly , of ethnic and religious sentiments in party politics reinforces social divisions among the populace which in turn weakens party structure and organization. Needless to stress that, a weak party in terms of internal structure cannot function optimally in deepening the democratic process. We can also speak of poor financial standing of the parties which made them susceptible to hijack by money barons who eventually use them to achieve personal benefits. Politics generally is an expensive activity and the role of money in contemporary Nigerian politics is indeed overwhelming. Although the government, through INEC, is currently financing the parties, but considering the spending pattern of the parties, government finance is generally considered insufficient. Consequently, additional funds are sourced through party financiers that include influential business men, party members in government and so on. For instance, the Plateau state governor, Joshua Dariye, sometime ago claimed he gave the PDP part of the 1.6 billion naira ecological fund he was accused of mismanaging. Similarly, only recently the ANPP caretaker committee chairman and gover nor of Bornu state directed all the seven governors on the platform of the party to contribute 20 million Naira each to the party’s purse within two weeks while all presidential aspirants and senators were to contribute 10 million Naira each towards the administration of the party (The Punch Editorial, †¦June, 2006:16). The implication of this is that Nigerian parties will likely for long be hijacked by money barons who will eventually constitute godfathers within the parties. Second is that credible aspirants who cannot afford to pay the huge sums would have to forget or submerge it while thirdly, internal party democracy becomes jeopardized. The resulting effect of all these is that parties becomes constrained as popular organizations capable of being the vanguard of democratic growth. Rather, they become characterized by frequent conflict and internal party squabbles. Also as a fall out of the above circumstances, programmes and policies that are often articulated and implemented reflect more of the interests of the so-called godfathers rather than that of the formal party organization. Thus, as the International IDEA (2006:8) have noted, given this context, Nigerian party life is characterized by a very low level of debate on policy options. Another observed weakness of Nigerian political partie s is the absence of political education. It is a common fact that Nigerian political parties have not been carrying out programmes aimed at enlightening the populace and even party members. This is because the party organization has been confined to mere instrument of contesting elections. Thus after elections, most of the parties become docile both in terms of recruiting new members and organizing activities to enlighten citizens about the political process. According to the country report on Nigeria by the international IDEA (2006:8), all the parties surveyed do agree that their members are active only during elections. The import of this is that once elections are over, only very few things link the party with its members thus, the expected role of political communication and education wanes out. We may also note the long years of military rule as another factor for the nonperformance of Nigerian political parties. Indeed, Nigeria’s long reign of military rule from 1966 to 1999, except for the brief period of 1979 to 1983, have affected the psyche of the average Nigerian politician. Military rule as it were is undemocratic. But its long reign in Nigeria with all its undemocratic tendencies have walked its way into the subliminal consciousness of most Nigerian. Thus, even though the military is out of power and democracy in place, the legacy of authoritarian tendencies still permeates the orientations and behaviours of the political class. The implications of this are that Nigeria currently has a short supply of tested democrats while democratic institutions remain large underdeveloped. In other words, while the success of any democratic experiment is predicated on the availability of individuals who are democrats in themselves, Nigeria’s long years of military tutelage has done no less than wipe out the last vestiges of democratic qualities among Nigerian politicians. Conclusion So far in this work we have tried to examine the link between political parties and democratic sustenance in Nigeria. It is observed that the institution of political party is indispensable if democracy is to be strengthened. This is by virtue of the various functions they perform which transcend the mere activity of fielding candidates for elections. However, the Nigerian situation is observed to be a deviation from the norm. if anything, Nigerian parties have not only failed in discharging these roles, but are equally working in the direction of democratic regression. In the main, the poor financial base of these parties, lacks of institutionalization, empty ideological content among others are part of their major constraints. Against this background, it is suggested that the government should improve on its funding of these parties in order to avoid their hijack by selfish money barons. Equally, the INEC should put in place mechanisms that would ensure these parties are internally democratic. Internal democracy of the parties no doubt will magnify into useful premise for democracy to thrive in the larger Nigerian society. Above all, there must be the political will by politicians themselves to allow democratic tenets to take root in the country. The above, it is believe are good recipe for democratic sustenance in Nigeria. References Anifowoshe, Remi (2004), ‘Political Parties and Party System in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects’ in Olurode, Lai and Anifowoshe, Remi (eds.) Issues in Nigeria’s 1999 General Elections. Lagos, Nigeria: John West Publications Limited and Rebonik Publications Ltd, pp. 55-78. Diamond, Larry, Kirk-Greene, Anthony H.M and Oyediran, Oyeleye (eds.). Transition without End: Nigeria Politics and Civil Society under Babangida. Ibadan, Nigeria: Vantage Publishers. Babawale, Tunde(1999),’Political Culture and Political Socialization’ in Remi, Anifowoshe and Emenuo, Francis (eds.) Elements of Politics. Lagos, Nigeria: Sam Iwanusi Publications. Pp. 210-225. Ball, Alan (1988), Modern Politics and Government 4th Edition. London: Macmillan Press Coleman, J.S (1971) Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hague, Rod and Harrop, Martin (1987), Comparative Government and Politics: An Introduction. 2nd Edition. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Education Ltd. International IDEA (2006), Nigeria: Country Report Based on Research and Dialogue with Political Parties. Stockholm, Sweden. Janda, Keneath (1993) ‘Comparative Political Parties: Research and Theory’ in Finifter, Ada, W (ed.) Political Science: The State of the Discipline II. Washinton DC: American Political Science Association. Pp.163-191. Joseph, Richard (1991), Prebendal politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Ibadan: UPL Marahatha Christian Journal Online (2003), Religion is Likely to determine Nigeria’s Election. URL: http://www.mcjonline.com/news. Retrieved August 15 2005 Momoh, Abubakar and Thovoethin, Paul-Sewa (2001), An Overview of the 1998 – 1999 Democratisation Process in Nigeria. DPMN Bulletin Online: http://www.dpmf.org (Retrieved January 4 2006) Okoosi-Simbine, Anthony (2005), ‘Political Vagrancy and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’ in Momoh, Abubakar and Godwin, Onu (eds.) Elections and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria. Nigeria: Nigerian Political Science Association pp 17 – 33 Onuoha, Browne (2003), ‘Political Parties and Elections: A Critical Review of Party Manifestoes’ in New Era Foundation, The Grassroots and Political Change in Nigeria. Lagos: Joe – Tolalu Associates pp 137 – 152 Suleiman, A. and Muhammad, A. A. (2006), ‘Religion, Party politics and Democracy: Implications of Religion in Nigeria’s 2003 Presidential Election’ Journal of Development. Vol. 2 no 1 (Forth coming) Ujo, Abdulhamid (2000), Understanding Political Parties in Nigeria. Kaduna: klamidas Publishers Williams, Adebayo (1995) ‘The Fictionalization of Democratic Struggles in Africa: The Nigerian Experience’ in Olowu, Dele; Soremekun, Kayode and Williams, Adebayo (eds.) Governance and Democratization in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books Ltd. Pp. 65-67. Yaqub, Nuhu (2002), ‘Political Parties in the Transition Process’ in Onuoha, Browne and Fadakinte, M. M. (eds.), Transition Politics in Nigeria, 1970 – 1999. London: Malthouse Press limited pp 118 – 134

Deconstruction Theory in Architecture

Deconstruction Theory in Architecture â€Å"Architecture is understood as a representation of deconstruction, the material representation of an abstract idea†.[1] Architecture is the art of space: its visual form, its dimensions and scale, the quality of its light- all of these qualities depend on our perception of the spatial boundaries defined by elements of form. As space begins to be captured, enclosed, molded and organized by the elements of mass, architecture comes into being.[2] In 1995, the Victoria and Albert Museum has announced plans for an expansion of their exhibition spaces. After a massive competition, the design that featured a six-story structure dubbed â€Å"The Spiral† by an architect, Daniel Libeskind has chosen by the museum. But the Victoria and Albert Museum has discarded the plan for the expansion, because of the harsh criticism from the press and scholars, as well as lack of funding. When the Victoria and Albert Museum declined the deconstruction style, other museums around the world have come to grasp it.[3] I have found that buildings and museums which with the existence of Deconstructivism both as development and completely new architectures. In this paper, I focus my studies on how philosophical theory of Deconstruction by Jacques Derrida applies to architecture design, specifically in museum settings. I have focused how deconstructivism theory has entered into the realm of architecture as well. Within this paper, I demonstrated how the style of deconstructivism works within a defined and systematic space for exhibition and the impact of this philosophical theory. Before finding the definition of deconstruction in the field of architecture, Jacques Derrida has been philosophical movement with Deconstruction as its foremost philosopher and Martin Heidegger’s writing as the roots. Deconstruction is a school of philosophy that originated in France in the late 1960s. Jacques Derrida was born in El Bair, Algeria in 1930 to Spanish immigrant parents. In 1948 he began his studies of philosophy in France after completed his baccalaureate. He presented his paper at Johns Hopkins University in 1966, where his work became eminence.[4] In the 20th century, Deconstruction symbolizes a complicated response to a range of theoretical and philosophical movements, most particularly Husserlian phenomenology, Saussurean and French structuralism, and Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalysis. German philosopher Martin Heidegger’s Destruktion and Abbau is where the term â€Å"deconstruction† acquires. Heidegger has developed the major foundation bec ame major theory of post-structuralist thinkers, such as Jacques Derrida. Derrida asserts those terms is literally a â€Å"translation’ and what is interpreted is architectural. He describes that Destruktion means â€Å"not a destruction but precisely a destructuring that dismantles the structural layers in the system† and Abbau means â€Å"to take apart an edifice in order to see how it is constituted or deconstituted†.[5] â€Å"Within architectural circles much confusion surrounds the term ‘deconstruction’†.[6] Architectural deconstruction can be expressed as a trend to design with the outcome of chaos, even though the translation of Deconstruction philosophical theory into architectural fundamental has never state clearly. The outcomes are geometrically abstract, apparently unplanned architectural forms. The architects who grasp this philosophy like try to plan architectural details that seem to be output of dismantling, displacement, deformation or partial demolition of pre-existing edifices’.[7] In 1998, the exhibition titled â€Å"Deconstructivist Architecture† presented by Philip Johnson and Mark Wigley, has marked a turning point in the very essence of architecture. The event held at the Museum of Modern Art in New York has presented the work of seven architects to the public and have been summarized with the generic brand of â€Å"Deconstructivist Architecture †.[8] The results are geometrically abstract, seemingly random architectural forms. The architects who embrace this theory thus try to design architectural elements that seem to be products of ‘dismantling, displacement, deformation, or partial demolition of pre-existing edifices.[9] Deconstruction provides a related way to architecture when its objective in philosophy asserts the need to comment current thought. The design is a clear deviation from earlier conventions and esthetics of architecture when first identified.[10] Nevertheless, the theory is I want to relate the previous assertion that deconstruction introduces initially with the existence of a formed object. The characteristics of Deconstructivism architecture essentially use fractured forms that deviate from the previous model of architectural construction.[11] Architect use these forms of acts as a way to deconstruct the concept and guidance to access a building. They are capable to use the philosophical an d dramatic structures combined with Deconstructivism, in order to deconstruct the former ethic in architecture designs. Nevertheless the philosophy of deconstruction can be used to clarity the architecture design, it can also remark the inquiry about the museum as a concept and how it affects the architecture design. I have discovered that there was a direct shift in the function of museum and its attitude in the cultural landscape in my research. I would like to analyze the shift as not origin, but the changes which reflected in museum design. I will also analyze the stylistic changes with the issues of a new objective of museum. This shift in relation to the objective of museum is regarding the practice of deconstructing the model in order to further the structure towards different speculation and function. Another essential shift in this research is the purpose of museum itself, while research about the analysis of the shift approaching design museum with deconstruction. Nowadays, in most of the capital cities, museums are recognized as cultural academy. Museums are playing a role of showing the value of culture in our society and mostly the visits are for educational and tourism purposes.[12] In those years, first museum in Western Europe was initially to assemble private collections, which museums nowadays are diverging the authentic use and status of museums. In past, the private collections were belonging to aristocracy and the royal families, their status and knowledge of the museum’s owners were determined by the quantity of collection.[13] The use of a museum as an academy completely to the exclusive is in direct opposition with how nearly all museums are seen nowadays. Most of them have moved from the cabinet paradigm into the new perspective of museum as entertainment. Nowadays, museum visits have become the significant part of the tourism trips as well as promoted as cultural academy.[14] This has assembled as a turning point in the design and layout of museums nowadays. This turning point in the proposed purpose of the museum has turned from an exclusive academy to cultural playground. The influence of turning the concept of museum is bigger than the visitor of museum. In this research, I want to figure out will changing designs of museums with deconstruction affect the purpose of museums. In this research, I have focused on few museums which designed with deconstruction. The museums are the Militarhistorisches Museum (translated â€Å"Military History Museum†) in Dresden, Germany; Jewish Museum in Berlin, Germany; Phaeno Science Center in Wolfsburg, Germany and Vitra Design Museum in Weil am Rhein, Germany situated outside of Basel, Switzerland. These museums are designed by three outstanding architects, who are Frank Gehry, Daniel Libeskind and Zaha Hadid. Frank Gehry and his architecture design is important in deconstructivism, his influence over Deconstructivism in architecture is great. He also acknowledged as the most significant architect and his design is presented across worldwide. For this research, I have chosen one of his architecture design as one of my research topics, which is the Vitra Design Museum which is a museum for design that located at Weil am Rhein,Germany. In addition, the other reason I have chosen Vitra Design Museum is this museum was one of the examples of fractal architecture[15] in museum composition. Vitra Design Museum was Gehry’s first persuasive architecture designed with Deconstruction style and acknowledged an aspect of Deconstructivism in a smaller scale. The location of this museum is within the campus of Vitra furniture manufacturing company outside of Basel, Switzerland and completed in 1989. Vitra Design Museum is conspicuous since it is Gehry’s first architecture design in Europe. [16] Regardless of the scale of this design is modest, the architecture turned up as a practical work of deconstructivism with a combination of towers, ramps and cubes. The exhibition area is in 700 square metres over two floors. Throughout the faà §ade, the design has promoted Gehry’s specific angular shapes and component. At the same time, it also showed that the starting point of his using curves in his architecture design.[17] The vault is built in cement material and designed upward to maximum the capacity of area for this comparatively small museum. Since there is no window on the faà §ade, the scattered skylights are where the natural light entering. These skylights can be open or close depends on exhibit’s requirement. Furthermore, another museum which also designed by Frank Gehry in deconstruction style is the MARTa Museum in Herford, Germany. This museum is completed in 2005, a smaller architecture of Gehry’s committed to present contemporary works. Similarly, Gehry has applied the similar elements of Vitra Design Museum to MARTa Museum, which are the waving forms that involve the faà §ade and roof. The faà §ade is built by brick, and then the stark metal plating is using on the roof and entrance area. Besides, another similar feature is the skylights which allow the flow of natural lighting and adjustable are placed in the exhibition space as well as the lecture hall. The notable use of fractal and angular forms which influenced by Gehry has left major impact on Deconstructivism architecture and dominates the style. Besides, Daniel Libeskind is another noteworthy Deconstructivist, his design of the Victoria and Albert Museum’s expansion project, â€Å"Spiral†. In that design, â€Å"Spiral† consists of various fractal structures, which has develop into his trademark style in most of his designs. These can be seen in his designs of museums which located in Dresden and Berlin. The signature fractal forms of Libeskind have featured on the Militarhistorisches Museum (translated â€Å"Military History Museum†). In 2011, the museum was extended and reopened afterwards. The architectural expansion is a triangular wedge in dark grey metal, literally popped outward from the original building, which is in in ivory coloured structure built during the early twentieth century. The five-storey pointed steel and glass shard of triangular wedge has made the Militarhistorisches Museum as the largest museum in Germany. The sharp tip of the triangular wedge is pointed towards east, which is the point of firebombs dropped during the war. Besides, the city skyline in the west can be view from the rooftop viewing platform which is 30 metre-height.[18] Moreover, the Jewish Museum Berlin has made his eminence in Deconstructivism architecture, while the Militarhistorisches Museum is one of the latest designs added into his portfolio. The project of Jewish Museum Berlin is highlighting on Jewish history.[19] The design has known as â€Å"Between the Lines† and the title of design is named for various reasons, also it has selected in the design competition. The main building is characterized by two broad line-shaped.[20] The first line is a fragmented-linear outline of the main exhibition building; the second line is a theoretical straight line that cut across the building in conjunction with its thematically placed voids. The voids are used for indicting the presence of line by fitting in accordance with this line. There is also a garden of columns in this architec ture, where the cube forms rectangular model in the complete structure.[21] Hence, the architecture is designed with fragmented shapes and angles. Similarly with Frank Gehry and Daniel Libeskind, Zaha Hadid is another architect who used forms and shapes with deconstruction style in her architectural design. Hadid is an Iraqi-born architect based in London, United Kingdom, her design style is more to large fractal forms. Nonetheless, she is renowned for dramatic and organic style which is visible in her architectural design. One of her designs which designed with organic forms is the Phaeno Science Center in Wolfsburg, Germany that completed in 2005. The form of architecture is like a platform standing with angular forms. The architecture is built with stark concrete walls in smooth finishes, its faà §ade beautify with speckled outlined pattern windows. The shaped windows are mirrored throughout the interior of structure, which consist of platforms, stairwells, and doorways. Hence, the Phaeno Science Center is diverged from the other architecture and designed as the whole structure which enclosed within one organic and solid model. I have studied at several particular elements of the design between these museums as well as their exhibition spaces. In this research, I have identified the way deconstructivist designed museums and how deconstructivism affects the museum designs. Firstly, interior design of deconstructivism museum has affected the exterior design. This can be seen in most of the museums which I have researched. The design has movement effects from the exhibition areas to the benches along walls towards the interior of museum. I have noticed that the architectural trends of deconstructivism museums, the style how the deconstructivist designed the elements, such as doorways, benches, windows, mostly related to the background of museum. So, analyzing the interior of deconstructivism museum is essential, as a museum which designed in deconstruction style will affects the visitors’ perspective view of artworks which displayed in the space. [1] Wigley, M. (1993) The Architecture of Deconstruction: Derrida’s Haunt. Cambridge: MIT Press. [2] Ching, F. D. K. (2007) Architecture: Form, Space, and Order. New York: John Wiley Sons [3] Mandry, S. (2013) ‘Ordered Chaos: the Negotiation of Space in Deconstructivist Museum Buildings’, University of Puget Sound. [ONLINE] Available at: http://soundideas.pugetsound.edu/summer_research/202/. [Accessed 14 March 2014]. [4] Norris, C. (1987) Derrida. Cambridge : Harvard University Press. [5] Wigley, M. (1993) The Architecture of Deconstruction: Derrida’s Haunt. Cambridge: MIT Press. [6] Leach, N. (2005) Rethinking Architecture: A reader in Cultural Theory. London: Routledge. [7] Sallingaros, N. A. (2004) Anti-Architecture and Deconstruction. Germany: Umbau-Verlag. [8] Johnson P. and Wigley, M. (1988) Deconstructivist Architecture. New York: The Museum of Modern Art. [9] Sallingaros, N. A. (2004) Anti-Architecture and Deconstruction. Germany: Umbau-Verlag. [10] Newhouse, V. (1998) Towards a New Museum. New York: The Monacelli Press. [11] Norris, C. (1987) Derrida. Cambridge : Harvard University Press. [12] Newhouse, V. (1998) Towards a New Museum. New York: The Monacelli Press. [13] Giebelhauseun, M. (2006) â€Å"Museum Architecture: A Brief History,† A Companion to Museum Studies. Ed. Sharon Macdonald. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. [14] Newhouse, V. (1998) Towards a New Museum. New York: The Monacelli Press. [15] â€Å"Fractal architecture model represents a hierarchical structure built from elements of a single basic design.† Tirpak, T. M., Daniel, S. M. LaLonde, J. D. and Davis, W. J. (1992) A Note on a Fractal Architecture for Modelling and Controlling Flexible Manufacturing Systems.IEEE Transactions on Systems, Man, and Cybernetics. [ONLINE]. Vol. 22, May/June, pp. 564. Available at: http://ieeexplore.ieee.org/stamp/stamp.jsp?tp=arnumber=155958[Accessed 08 April 2014]. [16] Newhouse, V. (1998) Towards a New Museum. New York: The Monacelli Press. [17] Cohen, J. L., Colomina, B., Friedman, M., Mitchell, W. J. and Ragheb, J. F. (2001) Frank Gehry, Architect. New York, NY: Guggenheim Museum Publications. [18] Dezeen Magazine. (2011)Dresden Museum of Military History by Daniel Libeskind. [ONLINE] Available at: http://www.dezeen.com/2011/09/29/dresden-museum-of-military-history-by-daniel-libeskind/. [Accessed 02 April 2014]. [19] Schneider, B. (2004) Daniel Libeskind: Jewish Museum Berlin. Munich, Germany: Prestel Books. [20] Jencks, C. (2002) The New Paradigms in Architecture. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. [21] Schneider, B. (2004) Daniel Libeskind: Jewish Museum Berlin. Munich, Germany: Prestel Books.

Challenges That Women Entrepreneurs Face Commerce Essay

Challenges That Women Entrepreneurs Face Commerce Essay This paper examines the challenges that women entrepreneurs face in the tourism sector in Zimbabwe. The research targeted female entrepreneurs selling curios in Masvingo and Victoria Falls which are the prime tourist destinations in Zimbabwe. Women entrepreneurship has been under spotlight in Zimbabwe because it is a source of economic growth. Despite the potential that lies in women entrepreneurs they face additional or at least different social, cultural, educational and technological challenges than men in establishing and developing their own enterprises, and accessing economic resources. From the interviews conducted women entrepreneurs in the tourism sector have difficulties in securing funding, inadequate business related education as well as social, cultural and religious impediments. This paper engenders to understand the gender biases embedded in society which constrain womens mobility, interactions, active economic participation and access to business development services. Lastly, appropriate interventions are recommended within the discourse of entrepreneurship. Key words: Entrepreneurship, Tourism, Gender, Enterprise development, Women Entrepreneurship Introduction Entrepreneurship is a key driver of capacity building and national development in any country. As such, this paper focuses on challenges faced by women in the tourism sector. On 21 May 2012 the researchers attended a forum on Womens Engagement in Africas Tourism Industry in Victoria Falls held during the African Travel Association conference. The presenters included the former Deputy Secretary General of United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) who alluded to the fact that tourism constitutes 30% of the worlds economy and offers 78% of workforce in the world. He further reiterated that research has explicitly shown the gender inequalities that exist in the tourism sector as mostly women and children as compared to the male counterparts are exploited. He further mentioned that in 2008, the UNWTO came up with a policy for gender equality which is envisaged under the United Nations Platform. In 2010, the Global report on Women in Tourism by World Tourism Organization and United Nations women encouraged women to participate in leadership roles in the tourism industry. The report held that although women constitute a high percentage of the workforce in the tourism industry, most of them occupy lower levels where they are subsequently lowly paid. Because of this report, UNWTO suggested that vocational training be offered to empower women in the industry. Tanzania and Gambia were the first two countries chosen to start the vocational training for women entrepreneurs in the tourism industry. Other countries to benefit from the training are from Latin America and Africa. Another presenter a Managing Director of Affluent Hospitality Group in America said that women make up 80% of Travel Agency in America and 80% of travel decisions are made by women in North America. This justifies the fact that women have an active role to play in the tourism industry. In addition the Marketing Director of Amalinda Collection in Zimbabwe gave a testimony of her experience in the Tourism industry. She admitted that as a mother she has a lot of family responsibilities that apart from being a working woman such that she faces the dilemma of choosing between family and business. At one time when her son fell sick at 4 months old she had to quit the job in favour of the family. Family roles represent one of the challenges that women entrepreneurs face in comparison with their male counterparts. The Governor and Resident Minister of Matabeleland North Province of Zimbabwe reported that, 60% of arts and crafts in Zimbabwe are produced by women from Binga who largely produce reed mats and baskets while the Gwaai women produce pottery artifacts. The interesting revelations made at the conference prompted the researchers to consider conducting a research on the challenges that women entrepreneurs face in the tourism industry in Zimbabwe. In current years women-owned businesses have become increasingly popular but entrepreneurship remains a deeply gendered institution (Anderson, 2008). Bushell (2012) considered entrepreneurship as expedition out of paucity and gravitation towards equity but this has not been the case because women remain marginalized globally. Given the constraints facing African women entrepreneurs their full economic potential is not actualized and they do not feature on the mainstream of the economic agenda (Ozigbo and Ezeaku, 2009). There is therefore need for countries to address gender disparities between men and women to achieve significant milestones in economic growth. In addition to those problems faced by all small-scale entrepreneurs, women face additional or at least different social, cultural, educational and technological challenges than men in establishing and developing their own enterprises, and accessing economic resources (Mayoux, 2001). It is important that such challenges be addr essed so as to enable women to prosper in their businesses. Chitsike (2000) and United Nations Industrial Development Organization (2003) mentioned that womens businesses in Zimbabwe tend to be small and are discriminated by the legal system which backs male ideologies. Literature Review In many countries entrepreneurship has been considered a means of generating meaningful and sustainable employment opportunities, particularly for those at the margins of the economy women, the poor and people with disabilities (ILO, 1998; Rajani and Sarada, 2008). However, very little literature exists on the role of women entrepreneurs in a global economy especially in Africa (Morgan and Ojo, 2008) and this is one of the reasons why women continue to be marginalized in entrepreneurship development. In addition, in cases where the role of women entrepreneurship is articulated there still remains a gap in gender analysis (Morgan and Ojo, 2008). Research factors affecting performance of women entrepreneurs of their businesses are limited in scope, as any existing research most often focuses on individual characteristics and motives as performance predictors (Teoh and Chong, 2007) at the expense of gender disparities. Despite the economic importance of female entrepreneurs their numbe rs are lower than those for men (Verheul, Van Stel and Thurik, 2006; Carter, 2000; Minniti et al., 2005) and therefore it is of importance to address the barriers to female entrepreneurship. This paper deviates from the former approach by focusing on challenges that women face in entrepreneurial development. Furthermore, the research applies an entrepreneurial development model adapted from Richardson and Howarth (2002a) to analyse the challenges faced by women entrepreneurs in the tourism sector in Zimbabwe as shown in figure 1 below. The model is based on the cross sectional biological structure of a peach fruit. At centre of the model is the seed which represents the entrepreneurial opportunity identified. The inner part adjacent to the seed represents the mesopreneurial (fruit mesorcarp) factors based on the MAIR model by (Gibb and Ritchie, 1982) which include motivation or commitment, skills, abilities and experiences, idea in relation to the market as well as the resources. Wi lliams (1997) commented that commitment and dedication of the entrepreneur is critical if they are to prosper whilst Zimmer and Scarborough (1996) attribute failure of small businesses to managerial incompetence and lack of experience among other factors and therefore women entrepreneurs need relevant skills and experience to fully exploit entrepreneurial opportunities. The mesopreneurial factors represent the basic ingredients of business success. The final structural component is the exopreneurial (fruit exocarp) factors which represent the macro environment in which the enterprises operate and it entails the following aspects: The enabling environment which focuses on policy issues, institutions and initiatives which impact on enterprise development in particular the tourism industry in Zimbabwe The socio-cultural and economic context which the social, cultural and religious factors that affect enterprise development. Enterprise Support Sector made up of initiatives and organizations developed to propel enterprise development and how these impact on enterprise development. The Economic/Market Environment which deals with opportunities and threats in the environment. Women entrepreneurs hardly have specialized support institutions to cater for their specific needs (United Nations International Development Organization, 2003). In most cases entrepreneurial and technical training, advisory and information programmes often have to be carried out within a non-conventional set-up (United Nations International Development Organization, 2003). Women entrepreneurs need to have a more supportive environment that is more favourable (Stevenson and St-Onge, 2005) if they are to gain similar recognition that of men. Training programmes developed must take into account their society, culture, community and empowerment (Agbà ©nyiga and Ahmedani, 2008). If significant milestones are to be achieved in female entrepreneurship support systems need to take into account the needs, challenges and unique situation of women to promote women entrepreneurship and avoid failure and lower levels of female entrepreneurship (Drine and Grach, 2010). It is vital to note that c ountries that have developed policies and legislation tailored for women entrepreneurship have witnessed tremendous growth and increase in the numbers of women in business. Figure 1 Peach Fruit Concept of entrepreneurship: Adapted from Richardson and Howarth (2002a) Enteprise support sector: Government, NGOs, Private Sector, Membership Organizations, donors Endopreneurial factor Seed Entrepreneurial Opportunity The Economic/Market Environment: Opportunities and Threats Enabling Environment for Enterprise: regulations, policies, institutions, institutions and processes Mesopreneurial Factors Exopreneurial factors Resources Socio/cultural context: Attitudes, aspirations, confidence and permission idea with market Skills, abilities and experience Motivation and determination Female Entrepreneurship Women Entrepreneurs refer to women or a group of women who initiate organize and operate a business enterprise (Jahanshahi, Pitamber and Nawaser, 2010). McClelland et al. (2005) define a woman-owned business as one which is at least 51% owned by one or more women or in the case of any publicly-owned business, at least 51% of the stock of which is owned by one or more women. In 2010 187 million women were involved in entrepreneurship ranging from 1.5-45.4% of the adult female population in 59 economies (Global Entrepreneurship Monitor [GEM], 2010). It should also be noted that Ghana has 55% of women being involved in entrepreneurship and it is the only economy where there are more women than men entrepreneurs (GEM, 2010). One of the United Nations Millennium Development goals is to promote gender equity and empower women as agents of poverty eradication, hunger, disease and to stimulate sustainable development (United Nations Industrial Development Organization, 2004). Therefore promo tion of women entrepreneurship is vital for the achievement of broader objectives including poverty reduction and economic development. A positive indicator to women entrepreneurship is that African leaders have pledged to take joint responsibility for promoting the role of women in social and economic development by reinforcing their capacity in education and training, facilitating access to credit and assuring their participation in the political and economic life (NEPAD, 2001). The increased role of women in economic development has forced many governments to take an active role in developing policies on women development and gender related issues. Mueller and Dato-on (2010) stipulated that women play a significant role in entrepreneurship but their role remains suppressed in comparison to that of their male counterparts across the globe because of family roles, traditions , cultural and structural constraints which diminish their abilities to lead business (Bushell, 2012). Women bear the responsibility for childcare and homecare and as a result this leads to work-family conflicts (Das, 2001 and Jahanshashi, Pitamber and Nawaser, 2010; Winn, 2005). Chitsike (2000) also stated that men view womens role as that of being at home and not engaging in any business activities that are reserved for men. One of the challenges that women face is unequal access to productive resources and services, including finance and skill upgrading opportunities (United Nations International Development Organization [UNIDO], 2003; Tumbunan, 2009; Sorokhaibam and Laishram, 2003). In many African countries, women inequality lies in economic rights and access to resources as men persist thus preventing women from taking full advantage of the economic opportunities (Ozigbo and Ezeaku, 2009). Ulusay Degroot (2001) mentions that womens participation as owners of small medium sized business has been constrained due to poor access to market information, technology and finance, poor linkages with support service and unfavourable policy and support mechanisms ( Ulusay De Groot, 2001). In Zimbabwe domestic chores and agricultural activities do not allow women time to travel to support institutions such as finance houses for advice and information on credit (Ulusay De Groot, 2001). In many African countries, w omen spend most of their income on the household and fear investing their funds in business ventures for fear of business failure (Ozigbo and Ezeaku, 2009), particularly on food and education for their children. Many of them are afraid to invest their limited funds into a business for fear of failure. Many women entrepreneurs are seldom taken seriously in spheres of credibility and capability, competing and succeeding in a male dominated environment (Ozigbo and Ezeaku, 2009) and this is one of the factors that explain their relatively obscure role in economic development. Despite the fact that many women entrepreneurship is a source of job creation, economic growth and social development many women owned businesses remain stunted by lack of appropriate managerial skills, access to business resources, networking opportunities and access to new markets (Ozigbo and Ezeaku, 2009). The current institutional environment purposes to achieve gender equity but the traditional powers are tilted towards the patriarchal system and therefore maintains the status quo of gender inequity (Goheer, 2003). In Zimbabwe women have largely been marginalized from mainstream economic activities because of the predominant partriarchal system which confines women to domestic roles. 53% of all economic activities in Zimbabwe are performed by women but, this figure remains invisible because it is not accounted for in national statistics and most of the activities are characterized by poor working conditions. It is also worth mentioning at this stage that religion, culture and the socialization process are some of the major factors perpetuating gender inequity in Zimbabwe. This is evidenced by the fact that under the current customary law, women cannot own/inherit land (Chitsike, 2000) and land is one of the resources that are important for entrepreneurial development. Research Methodology Baines and Wheelock (2000) mention that many women have ventured into entrepreneurship but little research has been done on gender and female entrepreneurship. The reasons behind increase of entrepreneurial variances arising out of gender remains unresolved is because women feel that by exposing these issues they deepen their entrepreneurial differences (Calas et.al. 2007 as cited in Peris-Ortiz, Rueda-Armengot and Benito Osorio, 2011). Studying women entrepreneurship is critical because it is an important source of economic prosperity and presently research efforts, policies and programs tend to be skewed towards men and neglect the needs of women entrepreneurs and potential women entrepreneurs (OECD, 2004). In the African context there are very few studies that have focused on female entrepreneurship particularly in the tourism sector and therefore this research seeks to close this gap. In addition, Gelb (2001) states that this is due to lack of indigenous research, inadequate info rmation and methodological constraints (Ozigbo and Ezeaku, 2009). Despite the increasing role, women entrepreneurship theory development and empirical evidence only offer a very blurry picture of women entrepreneurs (Tan, 2008). Subsequently, improved understanding of women entrepreneurs challenges is essential in order to assess their needs, and provide solutions to teething problems they encounter. Although there have been some studies of small businesses in Zimbabwe, none has provided rich qualitative data of female entrepreneurs (Mboko and Smith-Hunter, 2008) and this study endeavors to contribute towards addressing this deficiency. This study is based on the small and medium business entrepreneurs in Zimbabwes Arts and Crafts industry in Masvingo and Victoria Falls. 10 women in Masvingo from Dzimbahwe Crafts and Art Center and 15 from various Crafts Centers in Victoria Falls who were trading at Elephant Hills Hotel during the 37th ATA Conference between from 18-22 May 2012 were interviewed for this research. These towns are top tourism destinations in Zimbabwe and are home to reputable attractions which are The Great Zimbabwe and the Victoria Falls respectively. Interviews were conducted at Dzimbahwe Craft Center situated along the highway to Masvingo Town. For the effectiveness of the conversations, we had to talk to the women while viewing the different artefacts they make. The conversations included negotiations over the products prices that made the interviewers buy some of the items to encourage the women to talk freely. The interview started with more general introductions, some business questions that included who makes the products, how (i.e. whether there is use of machines or just ordinary hands), where, when and why the people do this business. The interviews also covered issues to do with any support the women received in terms of finance, human and material resources, marketing and other business operational areas. In the process, we had to go to the extent of observing the women doing the work like crocheting and weaving the mats, bed and table covers, polishing and decorating the wooden plates, basins and bowls while some were even carving the different items according to their area of specialization. This one day session took us about one and a half hours and we spent $30 to buy some items from the different women who added up to a total of 10 entrepreneurs. In Victoria Falls, we took the advantage of the 37th African Travel Association conference (ATA) that we attended from the 18th to the 22nd of May 2012 at Elephant Hills Hotel. Some selected male and female arts and crafts entrepreneurs from various selling centres of Victoria Falls were given the opportunity by the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) to come and sell their wares free of charge at the venue during the conference days. To promote the entrepreneurs, the ZTA had in their conference program a session for Meeting the African Culture when both mid-morning and afternoon teas were being served at the grounds where the entrepreneurs were selling their products. This was a good opportunity for the conference delegates to meet and discuss with the sellers while at the same time viewing and buying the handicrafts. As researchers, we took advantage of this to carry out our study for 3 consecutive days. On the first day we toured the various stands just to view the items on display and we asked some few general questions like what we did in Masvingo. Some of the questions were about how they come to be part of the ATA conference and the benefits they were expecting from the conference. On the second day we got into in-depth interviews to get details of their operations, marketing, any support and assistance from any institutions towards the success of their businesses. To probe for more information we were appreciating their achievements and sympathizing with their challenges as we were discussing with them during the tea breaks. For the other two days we had to share a table with some women during lunch time so that we could talk more. At times we had to sit together in the conference venue, commenting on what the presenters were saying about tourism entrepreneurship. One good example was a debate on the presentation done by a representative from the Zimbabwe Ministry of Youth, Dev elopment, Indigenization and Empowerment. On the final and third day, we selected some of the artefacts to buy that included the bowls, the big five, basins, Zimbabwe bird (Shiri Hungwe) for Blessing, one of the researchers totem and other items. We spent $50 for the items and we left the women in a very happy mood. As a way of appreciating our concern for them some women gave us some of the items at very low prices and in return we influenced some of our colleagues to buy from them. The total of the interviewees was 25 women. Analysis and Discussion The demographic Profile of Interviewed Women Entrepreneurs Table 1 Geographical Location of the Women Entrepreneurs RESEARCH AREA LOCATION Urban LOCATION Rural Masvingo 3 7 Victoria Falls 9 6 According to.1 out of the 10 women who were interviewed in Masvingo, 7 were residing in the rural areas and only 3 were from the urban area. From the 15 interviewees in Victoria Falls, 9 were urban residents and only 6 were from the rural area. This data reflects that the handicraft business is done in both rural and urban settings provided there is favourable environment. In Masvingo the majority of entrepreneurs come from their rural homes that surround Nemanwa Arts and Craft center because operating from home reduces any rental costs that can be incurred. The few who stay in the urban area have their husbands working in the town and this business supplements their spouses income. In Victoria Falls the majority of women who are urban dwellers reported that they own houses in the town from the cooperative that was formulated by the Arts and Crafts business operators sometime in 1990. The remaining percentage constitutes those women who own homes in the peri-urban area of the town and are permanent residents of the area. Table 2 Age of Women Entrepreneurs AGE GROUP NUMBER Below 25 years 2 26-30 years 4 30-45 years 15 46-50 4 Table 2 shows the relationship between a womans age and entrepreneurship. The likelihood of a woman venturing into business positively increases with the 30 to 45 years age range have the greatest number of women entrepreneurs. Very few women below the age of 25 years want to get into this business probably because they are unable to do the job or have better things to do. Motivations Women who are in art and craft business in Victoria Falls and Masvingo said that they are into this business because they grew up doing the weaving, knitting and pottery activities and to them they see it as a way of their living. In the yester years when tourism was still vibrant in Zimbabwe they could earn more than other people in some professions but as from 2004 to date the business has slowed down due to the economic crisis. These women admitted that they cannot go out of this business because they have no alternative means of survival since their environments are basically in the dry regions of the country. Therefore what is evident in what the women are saying is the fact that tourism fits very well in their livelihood strategies as a source of income. From the findings it emerged that the women are motivated into employment by push factors such as unemployment, inadequate family income and the need to accommodate work and home roles as in the Zimbabwean scenario the womans p lace is the home. The same sentiments were echoed by Vijaya and Kamalanabhan (2009) and Drine and Grach (2010) who reiterated that women are motivated by the desire to provide security for the family and flexibility that entrepreneurship offer between home and family roles. Access to Financial Resources The women entrepreneurs in the arts and crafts industry revealed that their major challenge is their inaccessibility to both investment and operational capital since they have no personal assets to use as collateral which is a prerequisite at the financial institutions. If they happen to get the starting capital they may even face more challenges of getting adequate operational capital to meet their daily supplies of raw materials such as reeds, steel wires, finishing oils, threads, wood, polishes and others to use for their business. At times they may need transport to take their products to and from their homes for security reasons. If these people are operating from the designated sites the local councils would need the rentals every month for the upkeep of the places. The problem of lack of capital usually arises from the fact that the enterprises are the major contributors to the survival of the family, and this puts a brake on efforts for improvement of womens enterprises in Zi mbabwe (Ulusay Degroot, 2001). On the accessibility to capital, one woman at the ATA conference for Young Professionals in Victoria Falls narrated her ordeal of trying to get financial assistance from the Ministry of Indigenization and Youth Development that promotes indigenous entrepreneurs in the country. Grace said, When I went to the offices I was told to bring a project proposal. I prepared that at my own expense. After that they gave me a pile of forms to fill in whose other requirements i could not understand. As if that was not enough, I was told to wait for a response that never came to my attention and these people lie that they are supporting us financially. Another woman, Nyaradzo narrated that, The Ministry of Indigenization and Youth Development, asked for a list of all entrepreneurs who needed financial assistance and the specific amounts requested and were handed to the ministry but nothing materialized. The ministry later on asked the women entrepreneurs to pay $20 per person for a weeks training in financial management. After paying the money nothing has been done since November 2011. She said Vanhu ava matsotsi anodakubira varombo, havana basa nesu, (These people are conmen, who steal from the poor and they do not care about us). This is a major challenge for the women who are vulnerable to all sorts of financial risks in business. Most women also revealed that most financial institutions were not keen to finance their business initiatives. This negative attitude towards financing of women entrepreneurs is explained by the traditional patriarchal system division which spells out the differences of male-female roles in society as supported by Ozigbo and Ezeaku (2009). Protection of intellectual property rights A number of women entrepreneurs fall prey to political promises and business intermediaries. One woman who failed to get funding from the Ministry of Indigenization and Youth Development later discovered that her project was being implemented by one of the government officials in Victoria Falls. She had no voice over it. Because of this, many women in the sector feel betrayed and humiliated because of such practices. This rhymes the Shona proverbs that murombo haarovi chine nguwo (This literally means the poor will never challenge the rich). It is important for women entrepreneurs to be well versed with their intellectual property rights so that they can challenge those who prey on their ideas in judiciary. Production and space-related challenges The study has revealed that a number of Zimbabwean women who are arts and crafts entrepreneurs have no fixed place for their business operations as they are dotted from their homes, forest and some few designated arts and craft centres. The designated centres have no permanent structures put in place but there are some temporary shades which are brought by the individuals from their homes. These offer no security at all as they are just open spaces for business and in addition one is exposed to the harsh forces of the natural environment. Those who operate from the forests (source of raw materials) cite transportation problems as one of the challenges. For example, if a wood carver finds a good tree in the forest which is too big to carry home or at the designated area she has to work on it from there and then carry the finished products. These pose a lot of risks to the females since there are a lot of dangers associated with forestry environments. Storage space for the finished products is another problem for most women entrepreneurs. Most leave the products covered by some cloths or tents during the night in the presence of either a guard or unattended at owners risk. Lack of storage space puts the products at risk of theft. The most special wares are taken back home daily which is a tiresome task for the females since most of them walk a distance of about 5 kilometres every day from their homes to the designated centres. Family roles At home there is usually a challenge of divided concentration between home chores and work and at home the working space is limited and not conducive for business operations. One woman (Maria) even expressed that, handingazosiyi mumba mune tsvina nekuda kwebasa (I cannot leave my house dirty because of work). Already this indicates how busy women entrepreneurs are with household and business responsibilities at any given time of their lives and this is a hindrance to effective business operations. In support, Ulusay De Groot (2001) posits that household roles deprive women of time to travel to enterprise support institutions or to attend training sessions to acquire skills in various fields. As long as womens responsibilities remain divided between work and domestic roles their contributions to economic development will remain obscure. Marketing operations There is a general belief that Zimbabwe arts and crafts are unique worldwide and they are found in many countries these days in China besides the Americas which used to be the countrys chief tourism source market. These products have made Zimbabwe boast of its rich and unique culture The majority of women sell their products to the foreign tourists. Financial constraints make it difficult for the women to access regional and international markets despite the high demand for the Zimbabwe art and craft in these markets. It was reported that in the past years when tourism was at peak (i.e. between 1990 and 1999) business was lucrative and there was no worry of exporting the products as buyers could come to the country and buy the products. During the period business was very lucrative. Masundire (2011) identified the need to assist arts and crafts producers to access foreign markets as 90% of their wares are in demand in Europe, America, Australia and South Africa. As a result of inaccessibility to foreign markets, there is now the emergence of market intermediaries popularly known as the cross boarder traders who buy and sell the products from arts and crafts producers in foreign markets. The major problem these intermediaries pose is that they bid to buy the wares at a very low price at the expense o